The Boeing Aircraft Company - Managerial Economics Essay

The Boeing Aircraft Company - Managerial Economics - Essay Example Today, in order to break even, an jet aircraft manufacturing firm needs to sell 350 units of the aircraft to recover its development and production costs and thus break even. Because of such tremendous amount of fixed capital requirements, experts believe that the world can support at most only 3 manufacturers. However, as the first entrants in the industry, both Boeing and Airbus get a lock on the economies of scale and discouraged subsequent entry of other competitors. Back in the 1990s it was estimated that the world demand would be something in the scale of 1500 aircraft of the 300-seater type over a period of 10 years from 1995 to 2005, so that if the firm had to sell 50 aircraft average per year or 500 over this period just to obtain a reasonable return on its investment. At the beginning, Boeing had to step in the shoes de Havilland Comet in the 1950s, when that aircraft company had frequent accidents. Boeing took over and compiled a good safety record although it was not the first entrant in the industry. Boeing built on its advantages and obtained US government support for its research and development program. Boeing, located in Washington, U.S.A., is the worlds largest manufacturer of commercial jet aircraft, and today controls nearly two-thirds of the worlds market, down from its former positional advantage of a 2:1 dominance.. It is recalled that as part of a strategic industrial strategy, the US government provided substantial research and development grants to Boeing in its early years, specifically in the 1950s and the 1960s, to help the domestic firm compete in the emerging market for jet passenger planes in Boeings favor. After recently merging with McDonnell-Douglas the company has diversified more intensively its production of aircrafts and related products for military use. The government has no longer found it necessary to provide significant

Business Process management as a real , meaningful change strategy Essay

Business Process management as a real , meaningful change strategy - Essay Example When speaking of BPM one is simply speaking about formalizing the business processes in order to direct efforts to best accommodate the needs of clients through controlling the entire organizational efforts. Broadly speaking it is the case that BPM incorporates an approach that aims to improve management activities in six specific categories. The first category covered under BPM is company vision which aims to generate what the strategic vision of the firm should be. The following process category is design, which focuses management efforts to identify the existing work processes and potential future design processes. After this point, attention is given to the modeling process which looks to separate variables to help determine what effect larger organizational changes might have. Building on this previous point attention is given to execution which is the actual pursuing of the steps involved in the process. As a significant component of BPM is monitoring, it as at this stage where it is implemented and special consideration is given to collecting as much data as possible. As a final point of the BPM process, optimization is incorporated in which based on relevant feedback from the monitoring process changes can be made in order to ensure better work flow in the future. As with any business process change strategy, one operates under the assumption that the main benefit of BPM is to streamline all business processes to improve the satisfaction of customer needs or increase profits. The consequence of implementing BPM would supposedly generate an improvement in overall customer satisfaction (Through faster turnaround or improvements in product quality), improved customer relations, increased profits etc. One major concern that BPM hopes to improve is the idea that different stakeholders within an organization often have very different goals. It could be argued that marketing professionals within an organization often have different objectives than computer pro grammers. For example, programmers often may develop programs that are best suited for the purpose but may be technically abstract for clients yet marketing professionals look to promote products that are best suited to accommodate the customer needs yet may be technologically deficient. In this scenario BPM would look to align all work processes from first point of contact though to the delivery of the final product. Where this differs from other management process such as Six Sigma according to Breyfogle (2004) is the example that BMP effectively enhances six sigma based initiative by providing a software based solution to measure, define, analyze as well as control business processes. By incorporating a technological aspect to the process one gains a better control on the effectiveness of protocols. The issue of whether or not BBM is merely a fad or here to stay is tricky. Over the years there have been many business improvement initiative processes that have fallen by the waysid e. However a strong argument can be made that this process is here to stay. Where this process differs from its contemporaries is that it seeks to incorporate a technological monitoring process that generates meaningful control and feedback. From an IT perspective, when incorporated effectively the process would require the development of software monitoring solutions as a means of generating meaningful feedback. As it

Hegel and Kant on the Ontological Argument Essay -- Philosophy Philoso

Hegel and Kant on the Ontological Argument ABSTRACT: I intend to present Kant's refutation of the ontological argument as confronted by Hegel's critique of Kant's refutation. The ontological argument can be exposed in a syllogistic way: everything I conceive as belonging clearly and distinctly to the nature or essence of something can be asserted as true of something. I perceive clearly and distinctly that existence belongs to the nature or essence of a perfect being; therefore, existence can be stated as true of a supremely perfect being, that is, perfect being exists. I intend to argue that Kant criticizes both the major and minor premises. To the major premise, he objects that there is an unqualified passage from the logical to the ontological level. To the minor premise, he objects that existence is not a concept predicate. Finally, I will show how Hegel criticizes Kant's refutation. To the former, Kant's critique is naà ¯ve as he could prove that existence is not inherent to a finite being's concept, which is not the co ncept of God. I. The Ontological Argument Kant's refutation of the ontological argument-which states that from the concept of a being containing every perfection it is possible to infer its existence-is well known: "In whatever manner the understanding may have arrived at a concept, the existence of its object is never, by any process of analysis, discoverable within it; for the knowledge of the existence of the object consists precisely in the fact that the object is posited in itself, beyond the (mere) thought of it" (KrV,B667, trans. Kemp Smith) Existence being neither a predicate nor a perfection, it cannot be inferred from the concept of the most perfect being beyond its concept. Kant's critic... ...e. Notes (1) The ontological argument was first stated by Anselm in the Proslogium, Anselm defines God as a being related to whom nothing superior can be conceived. He inquires on the possible existence of such a being in ours mind only, that is , as an object of thought. The answer is negative, for such a being would be one related to whom a superior could be conceived. The ontological argument presented by Descartes in the fifth Meditation is essentially a modern version of Anselm's argument. (2) G. Dicker, Descartes: an analytical and historical introduction, Oxford, Oxford University Press. (3) Strawson, The bounds of Sense, London, Routledge, 1966, p. 225. (4) Cf.Hegel, Enzyklopà ¤die der philosophichen Wissenschaften, SuhrKamp, ed. Moldenhauer Michel, , & 51 (5) Cf.Hegel, Vorlesungen à ¼ber die Philosophie der Religion, ed. Jaeschke, III, p.324.

Arab Spring Essay

Two years ago, the West thought it recognised what was happening in the Arab world: people wanted democracy, and were having revolutions to make that point. Now, recent events in Egypt have left many open-mouthed. Why should the generals be welcomed back? Why should the same crowds who gathered in Tahrir Square to protest against the old regime reconvene to cheer the deposing of their elected president? Could it be that the Arab Spring was about something else entirely? I believe so. The Arab Spring was a massive economic protest: a demand that the poor should have the basic rights to buy, sell and make their way in the world. I have the nerve to say this because just after the death of Mohammed Bouazizi, the Tunisian fruit seller who started the Arab Spring by setting himself ablaze, my researchers spent 20 months in the region to find out more. Why would someone kill himself after he had lost a cartful of fruit and an old set of scales? We found something the newspapers missed: he was not alone. No fewer 63 men and women replicated Bouazizi’s protest within two months of his death, in one country after another. We interviewed their families, and started to piece together their story — the true story of the Arab Spring. The picture is now complete and the facts are in. These facts have deep implications for David Cameron’s government. Our research suggests that the region’s revolution has just begun and has the potential to transform the Arab world for the better. But only if the West can see what is really going on, and offer support. As is so often the case with political martyrs, Mohammed Bouazizi has come to mean different things to different people. To some he’s a symbol of resistance to injustice; to others an archetype of the fight against autocracy. Last year the Occupy activists enlisted him as a spiritual ally. It is hard to imagine that the real Bouazizi would have recognised himself in any of these incarnations. When local authorities took away his fruit and scales, his livelihood was destroyed. He knew that from then on he would never have a legal right to put up a stall. He had no way to reduce the cost of the bribes that he paid regularly for his right to buy and sell. This would destroy his ability to get credit to buy the truck he dreamed of. The government has the power to crush people like Bouazizi, and it seemed to him that they would do so. He protested, in an act copied by 21 more people in Tunisia, 29 in Algeria, five in Egypt, four in Morocco, two in Syria, one in Saudi Arabia and one in Yemen. They were all, like Bouazizi, extralegal entrepreneurs — protesting for the right to get on. The right to own and better their lives; to accumulate capital; not to have their property expropriated on a whim. They were in businesses as diverse as restaurants, computing, real estate, opticians and taxis and their decision to commit suicide in public was usually taken after the authorities confiscated their wares or their documentation. As one Tunisian survivor told us: ‘I have no problem with competition, but expropriation is an indignity. Authorities do not recognise what is ours, and that is not -tolerable.’ This is the case not just for most of the Arab world, but for most of the third world. The phrase ‘black market’ suggests, to western ears, dodgy dealing on the sidelines. But in the Arab world legality is what happens on the sidelines. Economists look only at the official statistics, and imagine, for example, that Egypt has a massive unemployment rate. If you were an out-of-work Egyptian, however, you would be dead after three or four months be cause you would not have enough food. Most Arabs are working, but in a way that has become invisible not only to their governments but to the West. ‘Grandad, tell me again about the old days when we were rubbish at sport and Britain never won anything.’ Outside Cairo, the poorest of the poor live in a district of old tombs called the ‘city of the dead’. But almost all of Cairo is the city of the dead — that is to say, dead capital. Assets that cannot be used to their fullest, cannot be used as collateral for loans or changed for other assets. Seeds that can never grow. These people are working, but not in ways that western governments are prepared to recognise. Given the chance, they would pull themselves, and their countries, out of poverty. But they are denied the chance, because the rule of law is a cosy club to which only the elite belong. And the scale? In Egypt alone, the extra-legal sector accounts for 84 per cent of businesses and 92 per cent of land parcels. My organisation, the Peru-based Institute for Liberty & Democracy, estimates that some 380 million Arabs derive most of their incom e from the ‘shadow’ economy. If the Arab Spring is to be compared to a revolution, then it should that of England in 1688. After the Glorious Revolution, the crown agreed to be limited by the rule of law. The English were able to have deeds for their property, a right that even a king could not take away. People could borrow against their property, no matter how humble. The eventual result was the industrial revolution. This process, which allowed the West’s incredible economic transformation, has yet to happen in the third world. And so many billions of people are stuck in poverty. This is not some western monopolistic conspiracy. Americans, Europeans and Japanese take the wealth-creation process so completely for granted that they have forgotten that property is about more than real estate or ownership. It is about the identities, contracts, rules, credit guarantees and documented information that allow entrepreneurs to join people, things and capital into more valuable combinations. These tools, essential to escape poverty, lie out of reach for most Arab entrepreneurs. In Egypt, for example, to legally own a small business such as a bakery requires dealing with 29 different government agencies and navigating 215 sets of laws. In Arab countries, the poor entrepreneur’s right to transact derives from the goodwill of local authorities, not the law. When Bouazizi and those other entrepreneurs lost that goodwill, that right evaporated, severing access forever to the legal tools that property rights bestow. Those authorities expropriated not just their property but their futures. This is why they burned themselves alive. Britain has been generous with international aid. But if Cameron were to match this by pointing out the obstacles facing the Arab poor, it could be transformative. He has long been a vocal proponent for property rights and the rule of law as crucial elements for economic development. What better moment than to carry that message to the Arab world? Relieving poverty need not be seen by the new Arab governments as an act of charity. On the contrary, legal reforms are already at the top of these new governments’ agendas for growth. It was a British philosopher, Gilbert Ryle, who coined the term ‘category mistake’. If don’t get your categories right, he said, you won’t get your analysis right. If the West places Egypt and the Arab Spring into the category of ‘Islamist uprising’, it will not only misunderstand the hopes of millions but miss a remarkable opportunity. By our estimates, entrepreneurs who want a legal system with property rights like those in the West outnumber al-Qa’eda members in the region by a ratio of about 100,000 to one. Britain is ideally placed to see the link between the 1688 Glorious Revolution, and what it did to ensure so many shared the benefits of the industrial revolution, and what is happening today in Egypt. If it did so, much of theconfusion of what underpins the Arab Spring would clear up. This is not only an Arab phenomenon. It needs an eloquent western advocate, who can point the economic potential in extending the rule of law, property and businesses to the many, not the few. The West has spent decades making a category error in how it sees third world poverty and stability. It needs a new voice, with a new approach. There is no reason why that voice should not be David Cameron’s. Hernando de Soto, is president of the Institute for Liberty & Democracy and author of The Mystery of Capital

What Does Research Goes Us - 1512 Words

WHAT DOES RESEARCH TELLS US? Population, participation and productivity: needs to have new migrants to lift the three ‘Ps of high economic growth - population, participation and productivity’ (Carvalho, 2015) for its economic sustainability. The IGR 2015 shows that compared to 54% of Australians being under 40, more than 88% of the migrant population is below 40. Similarly more than 50% of those who came in within the last three years are aged between 20-34 years whereas one in five Australians fall in that age group. Migrants are mostly young and fall within the productive age group. Therefore the migrants can be easily the valued human capital for Australia to continue its economic growth. Moreover, increasing aged population will†¦show more content†¦The high economic costs of detainees: Australian Government spends about $2000 per day for an individual offshore detainee and approximately $900 per day for a detainee in Australia (Parliament of Australia, 2015). The government could have saved $400 million dollars if it decided to provide each detainee a free accommodation at $148 on average a week in the mainland (ABS, 2013-14) and provide free education to each child at $84 per day-the average an Australian pay for housing and education (ABS, 2013-14). At the same time ABS (2014) shows only 11% of recent migrants are solely dependent on government allowances while about 83% recent migrants and temporary residents report wage and salary as their main source of household income. The economic contribution of the humanitarian settlers: There is no doubt that advocating for humane and compassionate treatment and policies for the refugees and asylum seekers is important on the fact that they contribute ‘enhancing multiculturalism and cultural diversity’ but ‘their intangibility makes it difficult to demonstrate and articulate their virtues’ (Parsons, 2014); whereas the economic contributions of the humanitarian settlers are supported by evidence and facts show that they are pivotal for Australian economy. The dependency of humanitarian settlers on social welfares diminishes within ten years and they prosper faster and surpass other migrants by twenty years (Parsons, 2014). Once they

Emotionally Focused Couples Therapy On Increasing...

Emotionally Focused Couples Therapy focuses on increasing emotional responsiveness and boding interactions. EFT synthesizes the constructionist and systemic approach and also includes contributions attachment theory. The experiential influences include a therapeutic alliance, acceptance and validation of the client’s experience, the acknowledgement that humans choose creative, healthy choices when possible, a look at how inner and outer realities define each other, an understanding that we are all formed and transformed by our relationships and how new corrective experiences can be formed with personal encounters. EFT also draws from family Systems Theory in that causality is circular, behavior must be considered in the contest of the partner, homeostasis, all behaviors are communication and an effort is made to change negative interaction cycles. Recent developments and the popularity of EFT include using this therapy with same sex couples and couples with more diverse ethnic backgrounds, it is backed-up with research, uses integrated models and its effectiveness is documented. A healthy relationship has a secure attachment bond that creates a healthy environment with allows partners to regulate emotions, process information and solve problems. Relationship distress is caused by attachment insecurity and separation distress. Research by Gottman shows that there are key factors in determining a close relationship. They are expressions and regulations, rigid interaction

Evolution of British Policy in the Colonies 1750 to 1776...

Evolution of British Policy in the Colonies: 1750 to 1776 The relations between England and the British North American colonies could always be considered precarious. Prior to 1750 British essentially followed a policy of benign neglect and political autonomy in the American colonies. (Davidson p.97) The colonies were for the most part content with benign neglect policy, relishing in a â€Å"greater equality and representative government†(Davidson p.95) within the colonies. Competition among European Imperial nations began to effect British policy toward North America colonies causing rapid shifts from 1750 to 1776. During this period, the British Empire made a series of policy decision that sealed the fate of the British North American†¦show more content†¦(Davidson p.104) In the first policy changes, Pitt recalled Campbell and pledged to respect the colonial officers, he formed new alliances with the native Indian tribes. In addition, Pitt promised the colonies that London or England would bear the cost of the war. (D avidson p.104) These policies changes reenergized the war efforts and turned the tide in the war. Forming new alliances and opening diplomatic relations with native Indians was an imperative element for British victory. The Treaty of Paris signed in 1763, signified the end of the war and granted British title to all French Territory East of the Mississippi. The French lost all territory claims in North America, which was a significant victory for England and the British North American colonies. After all rights to expand into Ohio country is what the American colonies had fought for. Upon conclusion of the war the British made two minor decisions or policy shifts that would turn out to be significant. The British ceased their diplomatic relations with native Indians and left British troops in the colonies to â€Å"protect their new territory.† (Davidson p. ) As discussed the American colonists expected Ohio country to open for settlement upon signing the Treaty of Paris. Therefore, many Americans began migrating andShow MoreRelatedBritish Policy and The American Colonies Essay1247 Words   |  5 PagesChanges in British policies toward the colonies between 1750 and 1776 played paramount in the evolution of relations between British North America and Mother England. Tension between England and the colonies mounted from the conclusion of the Seven Years’ War to the signing of the Declaration of Independence as a result of the several implemented changes imposed by Parliament for the purpose of increasing income and tightening the grip on America. During the Seven Years’ War, William Pitt wasRead MoreModern Historical Debate Surrounding The Anglo-American1682 Words   |  7 PagesBlackburn offers perhaps the most extreme viewpoint in The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery, 1776–1848 and The Making of New World Slavery, contending that slavery not only enabled European capitalism, but also continued to permeate the cornucopia of European modernity long after abolition. While scholarship on the triangular slave trade between West African kingdoms, Great Britain, and her American and Caribbean colonies variably reflects its myriad and interwoven conceptions – not limited to but largelyRead MoreInstitution as the Fundamental Cause of Long Tern Growth39832 Words   |  160 Pagesare important because they inï ¬â€šuence the structure of economic Although some recent contributions to growth theory emphasize the importance of economic policies, such as taxes, subsidies to research, barriers to technology adoption and human capital policy, they typically do not present an explanation for why there are diï ¬â‚¬erences in these policies across countries. 1 1 incentives in society. Without property rights, individuals will not have the incentive to invest in physical or human capital